VNR Fact Sheet - 2021

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Fact Sheet - 2021

Voluntary National Review (VNR) - Asia-Pacific Region

 

Prepared by Jyotsna Mohan- Asia Development Alliance, for APRCEM


 

2016 VNR Countries from Asia and Pacific

China, Philippines, Republic of Korea,Samoa, Turkey

 

2017

Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Bangladesh,India, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, MaldivesNepal, Tajikistan

Thailand

 

2018

Bhutan, Kiribati, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Viet Nam

 

2019

Azerbaijan*, Cambodia, Fiji, Indonesia*, Kazakhstan, Mongolia, Nauru, New Zealand, Pakistan, Palau, Philippines*, Timor-Leste, Turkey*, Turkmenistan, Vanuatu

 

2020

Bangladesh*, Brunei Darussalam, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, India*, Kyrgyz Republic, Micronesia, Nepal*, Papua New Guinea, Samoa*, Solomon Islands, Uzbekistan

 

2021

Afghanistan, Bhutan*, China*, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Indonesia**, Iraq*, Japan*, Lao People's Democratic Republic*, Malaysia*, Marshall Islands, Myanmar, Thailand*

 



 

Introduction and Background

 

As often said that the Voluntary National Review is not an end, but a means to exchange experiences, identify challenges and accelerate implementation. The VNRs  aim to facilitate the sharing of experiences, including successes, challenges and lessons learned, with a view to accelerating the implementation of the 2030 Agenda. The VNRs also seek to strengthen policies and institutions of governments and to mobilize multi-stakeholder support and partnerships for the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals. The COVID-19 pandemic has further threatened many hard achieved gains  as means of implementation are diverted to combat impact of the pandemic on health and socio-economic areas and according the ESCAP 2021 Asia Pacific Report on SDG 2021, it might take years before the actual losses caused on the SDGs implementation process in the Asia-Pacific due to the pandemic are quantified.

 

One hundred and sixty-eight VNRs have been presented at the HighLevel Political Forum on Sustainable Development (HLPF) since 2016, with a further 44 due to be presented in 2021 and 11 countries from Asia and Pacific presenting this year. with first timers like Myanmar, Democratic Republic of Korea and Marshall island and will  be given 30 minutes to make their VNR presentations while the second and the third timers will get 20 minutes each for their presentations including questions from the floor. This itself puts the entire question mark on the nature and content of of VNR presentation because even the 30 minutes aren’t considered enough for the VNR and how does 20 minutes for the 2nd and 3rd timers serves the purpose because the VNRs are supposed to make growth and progress of national SDGs implementation. 

 

Please refer to link to see the details of VNR 2021 countries

 

Role of Stakeholders in VNR Presentations and Preparations

 

As stipulated in paragraph 84 of the 2030 Agenda, regular reviews by the HLPF are to be voluntary, state-led, undertaken by both developed and developing countries, and involve multiple stakeholders.The principles guiding follow-up and review at all levels, contained in paragraph 74, provide, among other things, that reviews will be substantive, and knowledge based, as well as open, inclusive, participatory and transparent for all people, with a particular focus on the poorest, most vulnerable and those furthest behind.

 

While global processes around the 2030 Agenda to date have seen unprecedented levels of engagement by civil society, and a growing engagement of civil societies and grassroots communities in the regional level, a significant gap still remains in the national level. However, we see  setback of engagement  in this era of COVID-19 and online engagement when the issue of wide digital divide hinders the meaningful participation of the poor and the most marginalised constituencies, and the collective efforts of the civil society to bring out grounded realities can be easily hindered by technological glitches, bypassed or skipped when the engagement takes place online. The last one year also witnessed the continued shrinking of civil society voices in the VNRs preparation and presentation with few symbolic engagement processes. Also, no VNR  over 2017-2020 mentioned the issue of civic space and have been largely silent on this issue despite increasing calls for action by civil society organizations and others around the world to address the deteriorating human rights situation in many countries and protect human rights defenders and environmentalists. Moreover, the CSOs have been demanding a better engagement process with the government not only in the implementation but also on monitoring and review. The CSOs have also been demanding the governments to use the citizens led data in the view of continued data gaps admitted by the government. 


 

Assessment of Architecture and the implementation of 2030 Agenda in Asia and the Pacific  

During the HLPF 2021, a review of the resolutions on HLPF which will decide the future programme of work of HLPF. The previous session of the General Assembly decided on the theme and SDG goals that will be discussed at the 2021 HLPF as follows : "Sustainable and resilient recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic that promotes the economic, social and environmental dimensions of sustainable development: building an inclusive and effective path for the achievement of the 2030 Agenda in the context of the decade of action and delivery for sustainable development". The SDGs to be discussed during HLPF 2021 are on no poverty, 2 on zero hunger, 3 on good health and well-being, 8 on decent work and economic growth, 10 on reduced inequalities, 12 on responsible consumption and production, 13 on climate action, 16 on peace, justice and strong institutions, and 17 on partnerships.

If SDG implementation had been more advanced, the pandemic’s impacts may have been less severe, countries said in their 2020 VNRs.

 

The UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) released its 2021 progress report on the SDGs report entitled ‘Asia and the Pacific SDG Progress Report 2021,’finds that Asia and the Pacific region is not on track to achieve any of the 17 goals. This snapshot of SDG progress comes at a time when the world is struggling with a global pandemic and countries are reassessing their priorities as they respond to multiple global, regional and national issues. This context highlights the urgent need to ensure that responses to the pandemic in the Asia- Pacific region and at the national level accelerate progress toward the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its ambition to transform the world 

 

Alarmingly, the region has regressed on critical goals of climate action (Goal 13) and life below water (Goal 14)  and as highlighted in 2020 VNR fact sheet, the region is definitely witnessing ‘Climate Apartheid’

 

Some of our key analysis in regards to the architecture and implementation of 2030 Agenda in Asia and the Pacific are as follow:

 

  • More progress needed to establish key SDG building blocks - A number of specific institutional mechanisms have been consistently reported in the VNRs, to facilitate decisionmaking and coordination for implementation of the 2030 Agenda. Many inter-ministerial committees and commissions have been created, with some chaired or overseen by the Head of State or Government. Other countries are utilizing existing institutional structures, with a specific ministry designated as responsible for advancing SDG implementation. While most countries have established institutional arrangements for implementation of the SDGs, the VNRs provide little information on the actual impact that these arrangements have had on overall policies and SDG implementation. Some countries also reported challenges in making these arrangements as effective as possible. 

  • . For example:  

    • In Bhutan, SDG implementation is looked after by the Gross National Happiness Commission (GNHC) chaired by the Hon’ble Prime Minister. Further, Gross National Happiness Commission Secretariat is the apex agency responsible for the central planning and coordination of all socio-economic development plans and programs in Bhutan

    • The Indonesian government (GOI) has assigned the Ministry of National Development Planning (BAPPENAS) to coordinate and integrate the SDGs into national development plans. This mandate is based on Presidential Regulation Number 59/2017 about the Implementation of the Achievement of the SDGs. The role of BAPPENAS includes monitoring and evaluation, reporting on the achievement of SDGs targets and indicators, encouraging SDGs financing from public and non-public funds, and the formation of a National SDGs Coordination Team. The SDGs National Coordination Team is responsible for strengthening SDGs' commitment from national to local and building synergy between ministries (government agencies) and multi-stakeholders.

    • During the Mid Term Review and report, the Malaysia government undertook a mapping of these development thrust with the SDGs and from the rest of development plan cycle the PH government altered the thrust to six pillars with an emphasis  on institutional reform consistent SDG 16. The six pillars mapped to SDGs are:-

PILLARS

THEMES

MAPPING SDGs

1

Reforming governance towards greater transparency & enhance efficiency of public service

SDG 11, 16

2

Enhancing inclusive development & wellbeing

SDG 1,2,3,5,9,10,11,16

3

Pursing balanced regional development

SDG 6,7,8,9,10,11,16

4

Empowering human capital

SDG 4, 8

5

Enhancing environmental sustainability through green growth

SDG 6,7,12,13,14,15

6

Strengthening Economic Growth

SDG 2,6,8,9,14,16 &17

  •  
  • Leave No One Behind - Most VNRs in 2020 dedicated a specific section on the principle of leaving no one behind (LNOB) and its meaning in their national context. Many VNRs highlighted a human rights based approach to development, and referred to LNOB as a cross-cutting principle in their strategies, programmes and plans. Most often the principle of LNOB was reflected through the lens of social protection, as targeted actons to support the most vulnerable or as universal services with equal treatment, however, the VNRs remain silent on human rights abuse , shrinking civic space and deteriorating democracy. According to Asia-Pacific SDG Progress Report 2021, the Asia-Pacific region needs to accelerate progress on public spending on education and health, resilience against disasters, social protection, national poverty and the fulfilment of ODA commitments for poverty reduction in LDCs.

    • Though the governments’ claim to be encouraging and providing the necessary support and the use of digital tools during the pandemics to ensure that teaching and learning are not affected, in most of the countries, the public education system has poor infrastructures, the teachers and students have insufficient access to online platforms, teachers have not been adequately trained in the use of technology, and students - particularly in the rural areas - do not have access to internet in most cases and to computers to some extent. Another worrying trend that is being reported is that the contract teachers, teachers in private schools, and the ECE sector in several countries - the Philippines, Nepal and Sri Lanka to name but a few - are either losing their jobs or left with unpaid salaries’ .

  • Stakeholder engagement needs further improvement, going beyond ad hoc measures - 

    • One of the founding principles of the 2030 Agenda is the requirement for all implementation and follow-up processes to be participatory and inclusive, including all levels and sectors of government, civil society and the private sector, members of parliament, national human rights institutions, among others. Efforts could include reaching out to legislative bodies, sub- national and local governments, the public, civil society and the private sector, and communicating entry points for stakeholder participation in VNR preparation and implementation of the 2030 Agenda. Additionally, efforts could be taken to identify representative voices from marginalized groups and to enable their meaningful engagement in the process.

In Indonesia, according to the Presidential Regulation 59/201, the National SDGs Implementation Team is led by the Deputy for Maritime Affairs and Natural Resources of Bappenas, consisting of ministries, philanthropy, private sector, academics, religious mass organizations, and NGOs. This team is responsible for formulating and recommending policies and for coordinating the SDG implementation. To achieve local SDGs targets, the Governor develops an SDGs action plan every 5 (five) years together with the Regents / Mayors in his provincial area. This activity involves mass organizations, NGOs, philanthropists, business actors, academics, and other related parties (non-state actors). However, So far, the national implementation team has only held a national meeting during the public consultation for the 2019 VNR ratification (not involved from the start, the mechanism is only input through virtual websites) and the annual SDGs Conference meeting by BAPPENAS. In general, collaborative engagement is ceremonial, and the preparation of SDGs documents is predominantly done technocratically by the government. There is no clear guidance on how non-state actors can report various initiatives and reports (including the non-government version of monitoring and evaluation reports). Another obstacle is that planning in the preparation of the NAP is technocratic. This situation showed low inclusiveness of the NAP preparation, particularly access to proposed activities and access to funding.

In Bhutan, the private sector has been consulted during the preparation of the VNR report and the country’s 12th Five Year Plans. The 12th FYP has identified triple ‘C’ as a thrust area for implementation, which means coordination, collaboration, and consolidation not just with sectors but also with society, where private sectors and CSOs are integral parts of it, however, no invitation to the civil society in the formal VNR preparation , but the CSOs believe that they will be invited later. Once the document is finalised.

Bangladesh has introduced the Annual Performance Agreement (APA), a results-based performance management system, across the whole public sector assessing individual and ministries’/ agencies’ performance.  Also, a national level “Citizen’s Platform for SDGs, Bangladesh” has been set up on 18 June 2016 focusing on the implementation process of the SDGs in Bangladesh. The objective of the national platform is to contribute to the delivery of the SDGs and enhance accountability in the process.

In Japan, many human rights and governance problems addressed by SDGs  stem from a lack of inclusiveness and participation in policy and decision making, and a lack of transparency, openness and accountability in governmental institutions. Policy making in Japan is exclusively dominated by government bureaucrats, with a limited role for the legislature. In addition, civil society, including the parties concerned, has often been excluded from policy making. Most of the human rights violations in Japan committed by government agencies occur in detention and correctional facilities, including police detention facilities, detention houses and prisons, and immigration detention centres, and the lack of transparency and accountability in the disciplinary actions taken against detainees in these facilities has always been a problem.

Mongolia conducted a systems analysis of drivers, bottlenecks and impacts, and developed short- and long-term actions to tackle air pollution

The level of participation of multi-stakeholders in Vietnam remains at the level 2 – the consultative step, which means that non-state actors are given space to voice their concerns and share their knowledge and expertise, but separately from the government’s works. The positive aspect  is that the government can benefit from available information and data from a variety of non-state actor groups, however, if concerns and/or advice provided by these actors do not go beyond the meeting room, mechanisms at this level will end up being part of a symbolic participation.

VNRs have been “seen as an end product” rather than a means to determine actions needed for further results. If a country does not fully utilize its consultative processes to develop its view of progress, the VNR is not being used as a management tool for steering the 2030 Agenda at the national level and hence there is a need for meaningful stakeholder inclusion and participation in the follow-up processes to the VNRs

    

  • Lack of focus on tackling systemic barriers and little engagement in the transformative potential of the 2030 Agenda - 

Despite the progress made,  none of the social sustainable development goals would be collectively achieved by 2030 and that there could even be regression in relation to some of the goals until the  number of systemic barriers were identified, such as: the availability and reliability of data; lack of political will; weak capacity and technical know-how; inadequate mechanisms, structures to recognise financial opportunities and access available financial resources. ‘On its current trajectory, the region may achieve less than 10 per cent of the SDG targets. There is therefore an added urgency to ensure that responses to the pandemic in the region and at the national level accelerate progress toward the 2030 Agenda’. The Asia-Pacific region is regressing on critical goals of climate action (Goal 13) and life below water (Goal 14). Apart from  gender equality (Goal 5) progress on clean water and sanitation (Goal 6), affordable and clean energy (Goal 7), decent work and economic growth (Goal 8), and life on land (Goal 15), sustainable cities and communities (Goal 11), responsible consumption and production (Goal 12), and peace, justice and strong institutions (Goal 16) are the goals that have registered the least progress since 2000

Data and Indicators

While available data only show a partial picture of progress, the picture is becoming clearer and more complete over time. Statistical data on the SDG indicators remain limited: nearly 40 per cent of the SDG targets cannot be measured for the Asia- Pacific region due to the lack of data. Compared with 2019, the strength of the evidence in 2020 increased for seven goals (1, 2, 7, 8, 11, 12 and 13). However, data challenges remain, especially for Goal 5, Goal 14 and Goal 16, which are assessed based on less than one third of indicators only.

The Indonesian government is trying to manage data better. This effort is evident from the Central Statistics Agency's (BPS) actions to prepare SDGs objective-based indicator data, accessed through https://www.bps.go.id/indicator/indicator/list_/sdgs_1/ . Besides, the Indonesian government also has a more interactive SDGs Dashboard with the link http://sdgs.bappenas.go.id/dashboard/#!/pages/IndicatorsPage.html

However, many SDGs data have not been updated and aggregated, particularly those that describe vulnerable groups' situations. The commitment to integrate data from non-state actors and the government is also constrained in terms of methodology (for example, data must be continuous, and the coverage area is the same as data from the Central Statistics Agency).

‘Civil society has a crucial role to play in supporting and complementing the work of governments in collecting, monitoring, and reporting on data for SDG16. There are a number of strategic advantages presented by civil society data (i.e. third-party, unofficial, or complementary data not collected by NSOs, henceforth referred to as “non-official data”). First, non-official data collected by civil society can fill methodological and conceptual data gaps in SDG data and reduce the capacity strain on NSOs through innovative methodologies and strategic partnerships with official data collectors. Second, many civil society data producers face fewer bureaucratic challenges to collecting and publishing data, allowing them to pilot new methodologies and produce timely, high frequency data. Lastly, civil society data producers are less likely to face less internal resistance to producing data on politically sensitive issues, such as femicide, gun violence, and corruption ’. Responsive, inclusive, participatory, and representative decision making (target 16.7) is a crucial prerequisite for achieving all policy outcomes aspired by the SDGs. International IDEA has developed a set of indicators measuring target 16.7 as part of its Global State of Democracy Indices, covering 162 countries. These Indices can function as valid and viable proxy indicators of the hitherto missing official indicators

Asia Development Alliance has developed indicators over the last 4 years during various consultations and training programs and developed indicators to measure SDG 16’ 

 

Lack of policy and process coherence. 

Interlinkages and policy coherence should be guided by human rights and recognition of the systemic barriers and the need to address this.The monitoring of 2030 Agenda should not only be reviewing the progress, but also look into the contradictions of economic policies to sustainable development. Policies that foster unsustainable development and privatization at the cost of peoples survival should be rescinded.The intersection between trade and human rights requires human rights and sustainability assessments and in the context of SDGs, and SDGs compatibility Impact Assessment, of all trade and investment agreements, to ensure that they are aligned with the national and extraterritorial HR and SDGs obligations of governments.

The Japanese government released the National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights (NAP)  on 16 October 2020 after the declaration of developing NAP following the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs) in 2016. In the process of developing the NAP, the Baseline Study Opinion Exchange on Business and Human Rights was established. The Opinion Exchange Meeting was held to review the current status of Japan’s legal system and initiatives regarding the protection and implementation of human rights in the business sector.

The COVID pandemic has  led to a backward slide in  development  processes and while it’s difficult to  measure the actual losses until  a few years have passed but the reversal of SDGs progress across  the region has been compounded by a growing trend towards worrying attack on human right defenders, stringent cyber security laws, shrinking democratic and civic space , an escalation in  gender based violence and child trafficking, and illegal financial flows in this period of global lockdown. Alongside the implementation of restrictive measures linked to the pandemic, civil society has been campaigning to defend its legitimate space for civic participation. It has done this in  various ways despite a tense political climate,  and has worked to  amplify peoples’ voices and directly engage with local communities and constituencies who  seeking transformative change.

Lack of Political Will

‘Stakeholders stress that strong political commitment and leadership for building peaceful, just and inclusive societies is often lacking. This may be because advancing peace, justice and inclusion involves inherently political processes. Governments and other actors must deal with the foundations of power in societies, especially those that are emerging from crisis and face major questions of legitimacy and accountability. As a result, many believe that consensus on a national development vision within society is a key building block for accelerated progress on SDG. 

Corruption

Corruption has been become deep-rooted problem in some countries and it has become a culture of practice that then severely marginalise some people and communities. Government must adopt zero-tolerance policy against corruption and strengthen the anti-graft bodies and Governments must enforce of good governance laws. Political accountability is an urgent need of the countries.

Most countries in the region still struggle to improve their anti-corruption efforts. Despite limited examples of progress, some bright spots exist where countries have made substantial gains to build integrity. Few key economies such as India (40), Indonesia (37) and Bangladesh (26) experienced slow progress in anti-corruption efforts, with several government commitments to reform not yet materialising effectively

While it is true digitization does reduce corruption and technology has been able to track and reduce corruption, there is a need to put an end to the culture of bribery which still exists in India at enormous levels . While international rankings and surveys point to increased forms of corruption in India there is a need for specific reporting on transparency and accountability measures through recognition of civil society led reports and critiques. About 54 per cent of Indian women reported they paid bribes to get government services and 33 per cent said officials called them repeatedly to harass them, according to a survey report published by Transparency International India 

There is also a need to institutionalise policy coherence at all levels, including enforcement and coordination mechanisms among the development agendas and sectoral agendas in the country as well as establishing a policy framework that creates synergy in achieving agenda 2030.

For example, Bhutan’s Development Framework of  GNH per se is a policy framework on SDG implementation. The Development Framework of GNH covers the genesis of the SDGs with the three normative core principles of Universality, Indivisibility and Leaving No One Behind.

In October 2018, The Ministry of Finance (MOF) launched SDG Indonesia One, an integrated funding cooperation platform to support infrastructure development to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in Indonesia. This integrated funding comes from various sources, including private, philanthropic, donor agencies, multilateral and bilateral financial institutions, banking, insurance, and investors. The government, through the MOF, has mandated PT Sarana Multi Infrastruktur (SMI), a State-Owned Enterprise under the MOF, to establish and manage the platform.

However, with so many government financing initiatives, it does not seem to fund the non-government SDGs activities. CSOs, for example, are not involved in planning activities to achieve SDGs goals and indicators both at national and regional levels. Non-state actors have limited access to the use of public funds for the implementation of the SDGs.

In Malaysia, the government undertook a mapping of the development thrust with the SDGs and from the rest of the development plan cycle  (2016-2020)[1] the government altered the thrust to six pillars with an emphasis  on institutional reform consistent SDG 16. The six pillars mapped to SDGs are:-

Six Pillars Mapped in SDGs , Malaysia

PILLARS

THEMES

MAPPING SDGs

1

Reforming governance towards greater transparency & enhance efficiency of public service

SDG 11, 16

2

Enhancing inclusive development & wellbeing

SDG 1,2,3,5,9,10,11,16

3

Pursing balanced regional development

SDG 6,7,8,9,10,11,16

4

Empowering human capital

SDG 4, 8

5

Enhancing environmental sustainability through green growth

SDG 6,7,12,13,14,15

6

Strengthening Economic Growth

SDG 2,6,8,9,14,16 &17

 

 


[1] https://www.pmo.gov.my/dokumenattached/RMK/RMKe-11Book.pdf


 

  • Threats of shrinking civic and democratic  space -.

Unfortunately, the VNRs submitted by UN Member States between the years 2016-2020 have not addressed the issue of closing civic space or how the challenges and systemic barriers facing civil society in achieving the SDGs are being tackled.  Between these years, VNR reports have been largely silent on this issue despite increasing calls for action by civil society organizations and others around the world to address the deteriorating human rights situation in many countries and protect human rights defenders and environmentalists. 

 

The UN Secretary General’s VNR guidelines has just been updated in January 2021 and they bring some stronger language on participation, inclusivity, accountability as well as national human rights institutions and their role in the VNR reporting (which is often not fully explored) : 

https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/content/documents/27171SG_Guidelines_2021.final.pdf 

 

The Secretary-General’s Call to Action for Human Rights identified public participation and civic space as one of the key areas to focus the UN’s attention. Under the overall aspiration of the Call to Action, the newly adopted UN Guidance Note on the Protection and Promotion of Civic Space emphasizes that more strategic and effective civic space action hinges on stepping up work around the “3 Ps”: Participation of civil society in UN processes, Protection of civil society actors through clear protocols and procedures, and Promotion of civic space and participation in national decision-making processes, both online and offline.

 

‘Once again, hundreds of thousands are taking to the streets and to digital highways. From Kathmandu to Delhi, moving east to Bangkok and Yangon, a wave of discontent is demanding that human rights be upheld. In Kathmandu, women march to demand an end to violence and the “deep-rooted patriarchal mindset.” Car horns blare and cooking pots bang in the streets of Yangon, a cacophony calling for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi. In India, demonstrations of unprecedented scope are raging across the country – “farmer protests,” cutting across religion, gender, caste, and income divides for the rights of the most vulnerable and precious, those who provide us with food. In Indonesia, activists fight against cyber surveillance and stigmatization.

Civil Disobedience movement have emerged within Myanmar against the military coup of February 1, in opposition to the coup, in numerous forms, including acts of civil disobedience, labor strikes, a military boycott campaign, a pot-banging movement (a symbolic act to drive away evil, as a method of expressing their opposition to the coup), a red ribbon campaign, public protests, and formal recognition of the election results by elected representatives and more than 200 people were killed in past two months. The three-finger salute has been widely adopted as a protest symbol.  

 

  • Focused efforts to leave no one behind still receive insufficient attention - I

In Kazakhstan, Starting from 2019 the public participation process was enormously threatened by bureaucratic constraints, an inadequate public administration system and the pandemic quarantine restrictions. The civil society called the national authorities and international organizations to introduce appropriate regulations both at international and national level to secure public participation in decision making in virtual mode, including for CSOs from the remote regions and people with disability (PwD).


 

  • Member states still not making the most of VNRs - 

In Pakistan,  recently the Auditor General submitted the audit report on SDGs at the Public Accounts Committee. The report shares embezzlements in 24 billion rupees fund allocated for the implementation of SDGs in September 2017. None of the Parliamentarians neither from treasury nor from the opposition raised any query on this mismanagement because of their lack of understanding on  the nature of utilization of these funds.

Most Mongolians seem to have lost faith in Parliament. In fact, more than half (56 per cent) of citizens think most or all parliamentarians are corrupt. This is unsurprising, because for many years, corrupt officials used stolen money to run for Parliament or used their power to channel money to companies to which they have ties . In addition, many parliamentarians use their position to allocate high-level government jobs to family members or friends . 

 

Lesson Learnt and Recommendations to Strengthen Follow Up and Review in the National Level

 

On Interlinkages and Coherence

 

  • Although all levels of the SDGs monitoring and review are equally important, particular attention needs to be paid to the VNR process in order to ensure that it becomes a national and locally-owned process. With this objective in mind, governments should present a draft VNR to be debated and approved by the national parliament and by official national multi stakeholder Sustainable Development Forums at a national level before it is submitted for HLPF peer review at the global level.

  • The experience of civil society has also been that once the VNR has been presented at the HLPF, follow-up by governments at national levels can be weak or non-existent. The review of the HLPF should examine the extent to which VNR follow-up processes at the national level have been properly planned. Stakeholders should have opportunities to participate in updates to the national implementation plan or strategy following the presentation of the VNR at the HLPF. Public outreach and information campaigns should be launched following the official presentation of the VNR. The follow-up process after the official presentation of the VNR should be discussed with the national SD committee/council.

  • Governments should develop an overarching and cross-cutting National Implementation Plan for the 2030 Agenda generally and ensure that agreed processes are developed for redesigning existing policies or ensuring that new policies and programmes embed the SDG targets.

  • More official analysis needs to be carried out into the interlinkages between the various SDGs and the institutional implications at national levels of addressing potential linkages in an integrated way.

  • Governments should develop a “whole of government” governance architecture as this is essential to accelerate the implementation and realization of the SDGs.

  • National oversight mechanisms of the 2030 Agenda and its individual SDGs should be created by establishing multi-stakeholder national SDG working groups. The role of oversight bodies such as the National Parliament in monitoring SDG implementation should also be strengthened.

  • Governments must ensure that public institutions such as election bodies, national human rights institutions (NHRI) and anti-corruption agencies are fully engaged at national level in the monitoring and implementation of the 2030 Agenda.

 

Capacity Building

  • All stakeholders should be facilitated in submitting independent evidence, assessment and reports to the VNR process, and in receiving a formal response or recognition from the relevant authorities. Funding should be provided to different stakeholders to participate in official meetings. Support and training should be provided to strengthen the capacity of national and local stakeholders to engage in VNR related processes.

 

Participation

 

  • Sub-national, national and regional outreach strategies should be developed with the objective of engaging all stakeholders from different local areas and regions in the VNR process. Opportunities should be provided to all stakeholders including marginalised groups (eg those suffering from poverty, violence or discrimination, persons with disabilities and/or persons from ethnic minorities) to participate in the VNR process. Access should be guaranteed to people with disabilities and outreach provided in a range of relevant languages and in accessible formats which are adapted to the needs of people with various disabilities. Opportunities should also be provided to all stakeholders to participate in formal VNR-related meetings, including ongoing institutional review mechanisms (eg SD platforms or councils, use of information and communication tools). 

Human Rights

  • The VNRs should examine how human rights can be incorporated to a much greater extent into the way in which the system operates, as human rights processes are currently overlooked when assessing SDG progress. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development is anchored in international human rights and affirms that the SDGs “seek to realize the human rights of all”. Consequently, the SDGs reflect key provisions of international human rights and labour standards. More than 90% of the SDG targets are linked to international human rights and labour standards.

  •  Human rights and fundamental freedoms should be strengthened at the national level and awareness promoted at local as well as provincial government levels, so that human rights defenders and victims of repression and abuse are protected..

  • Governments should encourage and facilitate civil society engagement in monitoring and evaluation of UN treaty bodies at the national and international levels (including drafting of civil society reports and participation in reporting processes before international treaty bodies) should be strengthened.

  • Other international human rights mechanisms include peer review and expert mechanisms such as UN Special Rapporteurs on specific countries or themes, and the Universal Periodic Review mechanism. Since the SDGs are anchored in human rights, States and other actors can use the analysis, data and recommendations that are already being produced by these institutionalised human rights mechanisms, for their SDG monitoring. Human rights monitoring and reporting mechanisms can contribute to follow-up and review by providing: (i) systematised qualitative analysis and data through institutionalised reporting mechanisms by States

In Malaysia, A major review of defining poverty and measurement emerged with the visit of the UN Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights from August 13 to 23, 2019. Prof Philip Alston delivered his early report on August 23, 2019 in Kuala Lumpur. His final report was released in July 6, 2020. A number of significant points were made by the UN Special Rapporteur but most basic is the Poverty line Income is too low and therefore called for a higher level in line with the development of Malaysia. The PLI was RM980.00 for a family.

 

Data

  • Governments everywhere should take the necessary steps to ensure a systematic data collection process and the development of relevant data analysis and storage platforms at national level. Data gaps need to be identified and addressed as quickly as possible for better policy formulations and realization of the SDGs at all levels. A reliable national SDG database system needs to be created with the consent of all related stakeholders including CSOs and government departments.

  •  Each government must recognize and accept the results of citizen-led data initiatives, which are ample. This could be done by using both qualitative information (case studies) and quantitative data/information in national monitoring reports. This will not only improve the engagement between the CSOs and the government but also help building ownership among participating stakeholders in a sustained manner. 

  • Governments and other stakeholders should recognize the link between human rights and the SDGs, and to welcome the initiative of the UN Human Rights Council and the report by the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), “Draft guidelines for States on the effective implementation of the right to participate in public affairs,” as important and useful tools for the promotion of civic participation and public engagement with in the SDGs.

 

Other recommendations

  • Bottom-up approaches should be utilized in working with communities to identify pressure points, root causes of violence and crime, and to realign federal, provincial/territorial and municipal investment towards evidence-based prevention programs

  • Civil society should evaluate its “value offer” in relation to the implementation of the SDGs and assume a social role through recognizing themselves as co-responsible actors of development and not merely as executors of projects and resources.

  • "Partnerships for Knowledge" should be recognized and supported by governments with the aim of promoting and recognizing "social innovation" and specific, valuable forms of cultural knowledge including traditional indigenous knowledge. 


 

Linking National, Regional and Global accountability processes. 

 

The High Level Political Forum provides a clear mandate to the regions and the UN regional bodies to play a significant role in the design, implementation and follow-up and review of the Agenda (in fact, Agenda 2030 includes the term ‘regional’ 33 times), including on: 1) facilitate effective translation of SD policies to concrete action at national level, 2) clear mandates for regional commission to hold regional cooperation and dialogues, 3) follow up and review mechanism at the regional level. 

 

Based on our experience, the regional process has much to offer in many ways including identifying regional priority issues and systematic barriers to achieve sustainable development, exploring innovative and progressive solutions based on regional cooperation, for example in garnering Means of Implementation (MOI).  In terms of stakeholder engagement, it creates proximity and accessibility for local and grassroots communities to directly engage in regional discussions and work closely with their governments at the national or local level.  Civil societies and some member states stated that to avoid putting too much focus on the HLPF at the global level, role of regional fora could be better defined in the follow-up and review process.  

 

Some of the ideas to strengthen the connections/coordination between multilevel processes include:

  • CSOs could build solidarity through multi—stakeholder dialogues and international monitoring to exchange good practices and effective response to Covid-19 by using international frameworks such as VNS, UPR or human rights treaties. It is crucial to strengthen the means of implementation and revitalize the global partnership for sustainable development.

 

  • The principle of leaving no one behind should involve youth to use their potential for transforming our world to sustainable development, especially during the Covid-19 pandemic. The Regional and International Organizations should consider youth as the driving force to realize this global agenda and Beyond by Investing in youth allow the whole nation to harvest fruitfully in the long run. 

  • VNRs to be reviewed at the national, regional and global levels of the HLPF cycle. This will mean that Member States should review :(I) the Voluntary National Review processes, (ii) the regional level peer review processes which take place through the UN’s Regional Sustainable Development Forums (Regional VNR) member states to submit interim VNRs to the regional forums, receive comments and subsequently submit the final reports to the HLPF.  and (iii) the global level HLPF annual peer review system that takes place in New York every July. 

  • We also call for particular attention to be paid to the VNR process in order to ensure that it becomes a national and locally- owned process. With this objective in mind, governments should be required to present draft VNRs for debate and approval by national parliaments and by the official multi-stakeholder Sustainable Development Forum before it is submitted at a global level to the HLPF. 

  • Regional meeting outcomes should be discussed at the HLPF by allocating sufficient time for meaningful, inclusive, and open dialogue. In this HLPF 2019, there was only one session allocated for regional exchange at the formal session (previously there were two sessions) despite the request from UNESCAP and other regional commissions.  The presentation itself can be enriched by having civil society representatives as a panel member in addition to the representatives of the regional commissions.  

  • The current form of outcome document in regional processes have no political weight (report and chair summary) nor in any way connected to ministerial declaration of the HLPF.   A suggestion may include changing the HLPF ministerial declaration to a negotiated document reflecting the progressive discussions and achievements made in the regional processes; or at least attach the chair summary of all the regional processes outcomes to the HLPF Ministerial Declaration so that the regional discussions, experiences and lessons learnt are not lost in place.  

  • Participation of stakeholders in regional follow-up mechanisms should be further outlined and strengthened including allocation of financial resources. There should be a call to create an official regional civil societies coordination mechanism. In addition, all regional sustainable development forums should convene a pre-meeting for stakeholders with outcomes that officially feed into the forum.  We are happy to know that ECE RCEM, ECLAC RCEM and ECA RCEM are also currently underway. On funding, civil society should be properly resourced to organize itself across national  and sub- regional boundaries. Multi-annual funding should be provided to resource permanent secretaries  AP-RCEM. Resources should also be provided under Goal 17 of the Agenda 2030 to engage in CSO capacity development at a regional level. Regional exchange and learning hubs should be established involving diverse stakeholders to promote more effective Agenda 2030 monitoring and implementation across each region.

  • Regional level organizations can work together to foster a standard and quality education system, in terms of accessibility, quality, and career oriented skill based education. That will ensure employment and entrepreneurship skills for financial solvency, social mobility and reduced inequality. For these School-level management and teacher training should be improved, coordinated and monitored.

  • Regional partnerships with the bigger resources and better capacity from their  members need to provide to the weaker national members more strongly the supports (technical,  financial and human resources) and to create an enabling environment for local CSOs to be able  to access SDG16 Plus principles and then plan an initial and even detailed roadmap to achieve  a peace, justice and inclusive society.  

  • At a global level the HLPF should create a “ civil society forum” similar to the existing “ Business Forum” where CSOs can come together to debate issues and agree positions linked to the monitoring and implementation of the Agenda 2030. CSO Shadow Reports linked to VNRs should be given a formal status by the UN and a dedicated website linked directly to the UN website should be provided where these parallel reports  can be uploaded. 

  • A common critique  of voluntary national reporting  by civil society is that it is a very state- led and state- centered process and bureaucratic in nature.   The role played by civil society and other key stakeholders in the entire process  is currently a very limited one, despite the clear commitment of the Agenda 2030 to a multi-stakeholder approach to monitoring and implementation. 

  • In most of the VNRs reporting, the CSOs intervention is limited to approximately two minutes to comment publicly on the VNRs produced by governments. Also, it's also that the CSOs have very little say in the formal VNR writing process . The growing number of high-quality, CSO Shadow Reports produced in parallel to the VNRs are given no official status of any kind as part of the HLPF, and cannot be uploaded on the UN website. Fortunately, in the Asia-Pacific region, the SDG help desk has been encouraging the CSOs to put their shadow reports on their portal. 

  • Global conversation from a risk-based view of transformational trends towards a positive, possibility focused perspective that recognizes global megatrends as an engine for advancing socio-economic development. 

  • Elaborate a practical and positive approach for businesses and countries to leverage possibilities associated with ongoing global transformations, many of which will be accelerated by the COVID 19 crisis.

  • Systemic change requires transformational policies -identified a set of characteristics common to countries that have demonstrated successful growth and increased wellbeing. In this context, successful growth means growth that improves living standards and societal wellbeing and cohesion. 




 

Inputs and Contact Points 

Bhutan

Sonam Gymthsho

Indonesia

Tatat - INFID

Malaysia

Denison Jayasooria - Malayian CSO SDG Alliance

India

Arjun Phillips - VANI

Japan

Masaki Kubota - • Japan Civil Society Network on SDGs

Pakistan

Zia ur Rahman - PDA

Bangladesh